The constitutional court of Mali confirmed the results of the Aug. 11 presidential electoral runoff. The court indicated on Aug. 20 that former Prime Minister Ibrahim Boubecar Keïta garnered an “absolute majority of votes.”
On Aug. 15, the figures for the presidential electoral runoff were announced on Malian national television by the interior ministry stating that Ibrahim Boubacar Keïta received 77.6 percent of the vote and Soumaila Cissé gained 22.4 percent .
The government figures indicate that 51.54 percent participated in the first round and 45.78 percent in the second round. Some 403,532 voter ballots were invalid in the first round and 92,920 ballots were invalid in the presidential electoral runoff.
There are also reports that of the 50,000 Malian refugees in Burkina Faso, only 3,500 were registered to vote and just 50 actually were able to cast ballots. The middling turnout and marginalization of the internally displaced and refugees of the Malian masses in neighboring countries suggest that the entire election process was conducted most fairly in the areas most under the control of, and amenable to, the occupation of French and other African forces. Despite the boosterism from the Western media and governments, this suggests limited legitimacy for the new government, particularly as it concerns key fault lines in Mali, such as relations between various regions.
The neocolonial ruling elites placed their support in Ibrahim Boubecar Keïta, who crushed workers’ strikes and student protests while serving as prime minister. Keïta has promised dialogue and “reconciliation” amongst all areas and groups in the country in the wake of the election, although with little detail as to his potential negotiating position.
Geopolitical and economic factors
In March, German Defense Minister Thomas de Maizière made a trip to Mali. After France, Germany is making the second biggest contribution to the war by European powers. “Germany has stationed three Transall transporters and an Airbus A310 in Senegal to refuel French fighter jets. The Airbus has already flown eight assignments, and the Transall machines have undertaken around 170 flights transporting more than 420 tons of weapons and ammunition and almost 700 passengers.” (wsws.org, March 22)
Mali, the entire Sahel region, and West Africa are rich in natural resources. Western imperialist strategy is based on the dual concern with resources and regional stability. Further fear of instability is a key factor driving West African governments into the imperialist occupation project in Mali, under the guise of fighting “terrorism.”
Prior to the elections in July and August, the Malian transitional government approved the oil exploration of the Taoudeni basin region, located in the Northwest part of Mali. According to an allAfrica article written by Jemal Oumar:
“Czech firm New Catalyst Capital Investments committed to investing 51.7 million euros in prospecting the basin’s Mali portion, Agence Ecofin reported. Irish firm Circle Oil PLC will sink nearly 7.7 million euros into exploring elsewhere inside the zone.”
It is not coincidence that half the population of Mali lives on less than $1.25 per day, and a third of the population is malnourished despite the country’s tremendous natural riches. Deals with transnational corporations have over the years caused massive corruption in government and redirected the wealth of the nation into the coffers of Western elites and local neocolonial officials.
Can Mali go back to pre-coup/pre-intervention status quo?
The 2013 Malian election is really just the beginning of an uncertain process of returning to the pre-coup, pre-intervention status quo. Whether this is possible is a significant question. For example, fighting has already been taking place on the border between Algeria and Mali around territorial issues between Tuareg and other ethnic groups. This brings further attention to broader issues of Tuareg self-determination in the North as well as claims by others regarding greater autonomy in the same region.
Further, it is not clear to what extent Salafist forces continue to exist in Northern Mali and what their military capabilities are. The war itself has caused the usual destruction, displacement and disruption of services, all of which continue to present challenges in the region.
Ultimately, the Malian election is an example of the ability of imperialist forces to dictate the direction and pace of political and economic changes in Africa using their vast military resources, economic leverage, and cooperation from regional allies and dependents. It is a signal that the African continent to a greater and greater degree is becoming a key battleground for imperialism, necessitating that anti-imperialist forces everywhere redouble their efforts in solidarity with the African continent.
