 Photo: Reuters/Danish Ismai |
“The king, his army and their guns were no match against the strength of the people. We won, he lost,” said office worker Sangita Karki at an April 25 rally celebrating the Nepalese people’s victory over the autocratic monarchy.
The Seven-Party alliance, the parliamentary party opposition to King Gyanendra’s despotic rule and the armed insurgency led by the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) called for strikes on April 6 as the beginning of a 4-day general strike. That call grew into 19 days of constant protest by youth, students, workers and others that forced King Gyanendra to relinquish his absolute hold on power on April 24.
Over the course of the protests, the Royal Nepalese Army fired on protestors, killing 15 people and injuring 5,000. Over 1,000 people were arrested. (Inter Press Service, April 25) Daytime curfews were in place for most days, and the king banned protests, starting April 4.
On April 17, the New York Times reported that Katmandu was experiencing acute food and fuel shortages as a result of the strike.
People reject minimal concessions
Faced with the growing militancy and fervor of the strike, King Gyanendra made an initial offer on April 21 to return executive power to parliament. But he wanted to maintain his position as king in accordance with the 1990 constitution, which held the king and his family above the law. The April 21 offer did not meet the full demands of the united front between the CPN-M and the Seven Party Alliance, which stipulated the full return of parliament, an interim government and a constituent assembly. Both forces called on the people to continue the demonstrations.
The people in the streets soundly rejected the offer. Millions protested throughout the day on April 22 and 23 despite a protest ban and daytime curfew. According to Madhav Kumar Nepal, general secretary of the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist), over 4.5 million took part in protests on April 22 alone. As demonstrators attempted to march on the palace, police fired rubber bullets, injuring 23.
On the evening of April 24, facing protests that were projected to bring over 2 million people into the streets, the king publicly announced the reinstatement of parliament, one of the key demands of the demonstrations.
The Seven-Party Alliance accepted the declaration and moved to select a new prime minister. The CPN-M stated, “by accepting the so-called royal proclamation the leaders of these seven political parties have once again made a blunder.” The CPN-M stated their intentions to continue with protests and the blockade of Katmandu to press for a constituent assembly.
The Nepalese people came out on the streets as promised. The general sentiment was one of elation and perseverance. Although the reinstatement of parliament was a victory in and of itself, the demonstrators’ demand had still not been fully realized. The target was the monarchy itself. Cries of “Hang the monarchy” and “Burn the crown” continued during the victory celebrations, and the crowd yelled, “Our movement is still on!”
Protestor Shree Ram stated, “We are here not just to celebrate the king’s defeat, but also to warn the leaders that if they betray the people, this very crowd will not leave them alive.”
The 19-day strike and protests are part of a larger ongoing people’s struggle in the impoverished kingdom of Nepal.
Nepal is the world’s 12th poorest country. Forty-two percent of the people are unemployed. In 2003, according to World Bank Statistics, 30.9 percent of people lived below the poverty line.
 People’s Liberation Army unit in Bara, Nepal. Photo: Reuters/Gopal Chitrakar |
Although the economy of Nepal is integrated into the world capitalist market, feudal relations are strong. Three-quarters of the country’s 27 million people live off agriculture. Agriculture makes up 40 percent of the $6.7 billion gross domestic product, while industry contributes just 23 percent.
While a pro-democracy movement forced concessions from the monarchy in the form of the 1990 constitution, the monarchy largely held onto control of the state while allowing for parliamentary elections.
A united front
The strongest movement in Nepal is the revolutionary insurgency, led by the CPN-M and its army, the People’s Liberation Army, which controls 80 percent of the country’s territory. The CPN-M has as its stated short-term goal the institution of a democratic republic.
In November 2005, the CPN-M joined a united front with the Seven-Party Alliance to push for a constituent assembly. The Seven Party Alliance is composed of parliamentary parties that came together following the king’s coup and dissolution of parliament in February 2005. The largest of these parties are the Nepali Congress Party and the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist).
The united front is based on the demand for democracy, not on ideological agreement. The Seven-Party Alliance itself is only a coalition of parties ranging from bourgeois democratic parties like the Nepali Congress Party, which has close ties with the Indian Congress Party, to leftist and progressive parliamentary parties. But there is an important difference between the strategic visions of the CPN-M and the Seven Party Alliance.
While the CPN-M recognizes the creation of a democratic republic as a short-term goal, its struggle is ultimately aimed at a socialist revolution. The CPN-M represents a revolutionary force that is in a strong position to move the struggle forward.
The Seven Party Alliance’s goal, however, as described by the new prime minister and leader of the Nepali Congress Party, Girija Prasad Koirala, “is to put an end to the authoritarian rule, restore peace and complete democracy for a free, sovereign and prosperous Nepal.” This alliance seeks to institute a democratic republic—what Lenin called “the best possible political shell for capitalism”—while disarming the People’s Liberation Army.
U.S. interests in Nepal
The Pentagon and the Indian ruling class, which is increasingly aligned with the United States, have paid close attention to the developments in Nepal over the last month. These countries, for different reasons, do not want to see a people’s revolution take place in Nepal.
The U.S. government has seemingly changed its position throughout the course of the events. It initially cautioned the Seven-Party Alliance from challenging the king. But official U.S. policy turned to ordering the king to stay out of political affairs and cozying up to the parliamentary government.
In reality, the position of U.S. imperialism remains the same—ensuring U.S. access to Nepal’s markets and continuing U.S. military domination in the region. Each statement by the U.S. State Department has been accompanied by a call for the disarmament of the CPN-M, which it labels as a terrorist organization.
At a May 3 press conference during his two-day visit to Nepal, U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs, Richard Boucher, said, “I stressed America’s long-standing friendship with Nepal and its people, and our interest in doing whatever we can to assist Nepal as your country moves forward into what we all hope will be an era marked by peace and economic development.”
U.S. “friendship” with the Nepalese people has consisted of funneling aid to Nepal’s repressive king through third parties. It has taken the form of joint exercises with and training of the murderous Royal Nepalese Army while supplying the armed forces with the weapons and machinery necessary to continue their war against the people of Nepal. The U.S. government signed a five-year agreement “for co-operation in fighting terrorism and preventing possible terror attacks” with Nepal in 2002.
Likewise, India is a major supplier of arms and training to Nepal. In April 2003, India’s army chief of staff revealed that India had provided arms and ammunition to Nepal worth $25.8 million, and was set to provide another $12.9 million in weapons.
India was initially unsupportive of the Seven-Party Alliance, particularly because of its united front with the CPN-M. But as the protests continued and King Gyanendra clearly became obsolete, India sent Dr. Karan Singh, a prominent lawmaker of the ruling Congress Party and a close relative of Gyanendra, as a special envoy along with India’s foreign secretary, Shyam Saran, to convince Gyanendra to negotiate with the movement. Their fear was that if Gyanendra waited too long and the united front was victorious, Indian interests in the region would be threatened.
Organizations must respond to the masses
The world capitalist media, and in particular the U.S. capitalist media, was praising a split within the united front following the reinstatement of parliament. They hoped that the CPN-M’s rejection of the Seven-Party Alliance decision to accept the king’s announcement would mean a division within the popular movement. But the united front continues to function in line with the demands of the Nepalese people.
The CPN-M announced the end of blockades and a unilateral ceasefire on April 26, “with the intention to encourage the political parties to announce an unconditional special assembly.” On April 28, thousands rallied in a mass meeting called by the CPN-M student wing, the All Nepal National Independent Students’ Union-Revolutionary.
On the same day, the deputy speaker of the new parliament announced the parliament’s intentions to establish a constituent assembly at a public rally of 100,000 people in Katmandu. Two days later, the parliament unanimously approved a resolution calling for the election of a constituent assembly to frame a new constitution while calling for talks with the CPN-M in order to “begin a process to bring the Maoists into the political mainstream.”
The bourgeois forces are caught between their desires to secure their property and privilege, which necessitates neutralizing the revolutionary forces, and the immediate militant demands of the people of Nepal.
End the monarchy, fight for socialism
The real force to be reckoned with is the people of Nepal. As Matrika Yadav, the highest-ranking CPN-M leader imprisoned by the government, said in an April 26 interview, “If anyone goes against the people, their downfall is inevitable, whether it is the political parties or the monarchy or any force.”
During the first week of May, the reinstated parliament faced difficulties forming a cabinet because of petty disagreements among the parties. The people responded. On May 1, professional workers organized in the Confederation of Nepalese Professions held an event calling for “total democracy” and demanding a constituent assembly.
The following day, students held militant rallies rejecting the “re-emergence of the old practice” by political leaders. Students chanted slogans: “Stop jockeying for power,” “Don’t delay the constituent assembly,” and “Stop favoring the palace.”
As the struggle continues, the ideological differences that define the main progressive forces will sharpen and become apparent in their actions. But all the groups must respond to the Nepalese people who are in motion right now. The goal of the people is not directed at only the monarchy, which has been seriously undermined through the course of the last month. They have as their goal freedom and democracy, a reality that can only truly be realized in the struggle for a socialist revolution.
Articles may be reprinted with credit to Socialism and Liberation magazine.
